Essential services: the challenge of socialising problems and privatising benefits
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By Nikki Stefanoff
Ask anyone who lived, and worked, through the COVID-19 pandemic what an ‘essential service’ is and you’re likely to get myriad of answers — we all have our interpretation of ‘essential’, particularly in a time of crisis. However, post-pandemic, what classes as an essential service is a little simpler.
In Australia, essential services are classed as utilities (gas, electricity and water), education, healthcare, transport, waste management, emergency services, telecommunications, the postal service, banking, social welfare, legal counsel, housing and access to a steady food supply.
Aussies know that when they turn on a tap clean water will be available, lights and ovens can be switched on with confidence, children have access to education, public transport works (most of the time) and there is access to universal health care.
Delivering these services, however, comes with its own unique set of challenges due to a mix of government ownership of some services and private sector involvement in others.
The Sydney Harbour Bridge serves as a classic example. Initially constructed with public funds in the 1970s, it was later leased to a private company that generates profits through toll charges. This arrangement has had implications for the affordability of daily commuting for the general public for at least four decades.
And Australia’s water supply is historically managed at a State level, yet gas and electricity remain a mix of part-privatised, and part government-owned depending on where you are in the county. Qantas and Telstra were also privatised in the 1990s.
The private versus public dilemma
If you live somewhere where your utilities — gas, water and electric — are run by privately owned organisations you’ll no doubt have experienced the benefits, and challenges, that come from having a choice of providers.
When there are multiple providers in the market, energy companies are incentivised to find cost-effective solutions to differentiate themselves. This can be beneficial as it often leads to new technology being developed, lower prices and a smoother customer experience but, more often than not, it can end in financial inequality.
Why? Well, the cost of that innovative technology, the need to hire more staff to help things run smoothly and the data-driven infrastructure needed for efficient maintenance and management tend to be covered by price increases. All of which are paid for by the consumer.
It’s the well-known, and ongoing, challenge of balancing the socialised problem (when a privatised utility company raises prices and the negative impact it has on low-income consumers) with the privatised benefit of, say, investing in new infrastructure, which is something that will certainly benefit the company’s shareholders but won’t necessarily benefit all consumers equally.
And while this is a challenge particularly felt by the energy sector it’s also experienced in healthcare, education and transport services.
The argument for and against privatisation
The privatisation of state-owned assets was introduced, surprisingly, by the Hawke-Keating Labor government back in the 1990s — surprising as privatisation has a history of coming from politicians with a more conservative ideology.
The process continued to gain traction under the subsequent Howard government, which focused on gradually privatising key utilities such as electricity, gas, water and telecommunications.
The argument at the time was that privatisation would help the country become more efficient and encourage innovation and competition. However, concerns were raised about how costs would rise, inequality would flourish and companies would be driven by profits rather than the needs of the consumer.
Sound familiar?
Privatisation’s political death knell
While Labor state governments continued to push privatisation throughout the 1990s, 2000s and 2010s, the party’s current political pendulum seems to be swinging back towards public ownership. And Labor voters have never been happier.
Last year’s NSW election saw the State’s coalition government being ousted from office and Labor’s Chris Minns, claiming victory. A large part of his success was said to be down to his vocal opposition to the proposed privatisation of Sydney Water.
When it comes to winning a political seat on a pro-public ownership platform Minns isn’t alone — his Labor party colleagues have been singing from the anti-privatisation hymn sheet for years.
In 2022, Victoria’s then Premier, Dan Andrews, spoke publicly about the party’s 1990s privatisation of Victorian energy calling it ‘a mistake’ and said that the state’s electricity should be run for people, not for profit.
“Privatisation has failed”, Andrews said. “It’s failed pensioners, it’s failed families, it’s failed Victorians.”
That same year, Labor claimed back its seat in South Australia and pledged to return the privatised state railway network to public ownership. At the same time, Premier Peter Malinauskas spoke openly about his desire to bring South Australia’s electricity generation back into public hands.
And finally, before stepping down in late 2023 Queensland’s Premier Annastasia Palaszczuk’s Labor government created CleanCo, a $250 million-funded publicly-owned renewable energy generation corporation, which has been operating since 2019.
With so many state governments vocally pushing for public ownership of essential services, we might just be entering a political era where having a pro-privatisation agenda may act as a death knell for the opposing party.
The challenges ahead
Over the last 30 years, the pace, and extent, of privatisation in Australia has varied from State to the sector.
And while the debate around the benefits and challenges of socialisation and privatisation will no doubt continue, the delivery of these essential services has to keep evolving.
The future of service delivery is said to become a combination of tech advancement, climate and environmental consideration and ever-evolving public policies.
What we know right now though, is that to continue to deliver fair and equitable essential services the federal and state governments have a role to play.
That role could be insisting on community engagement and reiterating the need to co-design essential services with the people using them or providing funding to ensure that delivery is fair, inclusive and equitable for all Australians — people before profit must always be the goal.